To think that corruption has not flagellated the former institutions with greater credibility in the powers of the State is to live as chimeras; and, not to land in fertile soil before the current demands of society makes us accomplices and accessories to it.

According to Vito Tanzi (1995): «Corruption is the intentional breach of the principle of impartiality with the purpose of deriving such benefit from a personal benefit or for related persons.» There are three basic elements in this definition. The first refers to the intentional breach of the principle of impartiality, in the sense that it requires that personal or other relationships should not play any role in economic decisions that involve more than one party. Equal treatment for all economic agents is essential for the proper functioning of the market economy. The preference towards some economic agents definitely violates the principle of impartiality and implies a necessary condition for corruption. Without preference, there is no corruption (Begovic, B. 2005).

Here is the essence of what corruption would imply within the context of the Armed Forces, who by legitimately using weapons as rulers of the integrity and sovereignty of States are obliged to be trained under the strictest rigor and standards of discipline and respect for laws There can be no favors or prebends, both in a regime of meritocracy and in its projection (real and apparent) to the community, where excellence in the management of public resources must prevail.

«The growing role of the military in the Venezuelan economy and politics has gone against the objectives of greater democratic control over the security and defense sectors. Its growing political and partisan participation – which includes its performance as repressors of social protests and its work in the intelligence sector – and its business activities have boosted the rise of militarism. The result is de-institutionalization, de-professionalization and social distrust regarding the Armed Forces and the constitution of a kind of «military socialism» «Jácome, F. (2018).

Thanks to the direction of the political situation, which has been a turning point, the President of the Republic, Lenin Moreno, has determined an unexpected turn in the defense of the military and its institutional framework, in which the designation of a general in passive service as Minister of Defense; and, the regional cooperation of the United States of America in the fight against drug trafficking. In addition to what is happening in Venezuela, with these decisions, the Ecuadorian government has prevented our glorious Armed Forces from being «forced» to go in the path that their predecessor Rafael Correa and his more than eight defense ministers along his mandate decided to conduct them. The implications of following this route, where again concepts such as «strategic cooperation», «hemispheric security», «regional defense», etc. are retaken; invites the actors to an accelerated and exhaustive review of plans, projects and goals, considering the uniformed element as the one that, apart from the protection of citizen rights, is the one that guarantees, constitutionally, national sovereignty and citizen security.

This concept legitimizes its action so that each one of the uniformed ones reflects and becomes aware of the gravitating mission of looking after the internal and external security of the State. This is the main task that commanders have, apart from informing and giving orders, they must be committed to setting an example, and how is an example given? Transparent each of their actions, in a sort of daily accountability in each one of the levels of the conduction and in the military units and distributions.

Fighting corruption is not easy and it is everybody’s job. The so-called «major surgery to corruption» beyond representing a rhetoric full of patterns and patterns of control, encompasses an ethical procedure, in which the superiors, constantly, have the responsibility of keeping the communication route with subordinates expeditious, and if there are cases such as those that have occurred in recent months, in which members of the Institution have been involved in acts outside the law, actions should be transparent; where, in parallel to the investigation of the offense, rapid and effective disciplinary procedures must be selected.

If this is the case, metrics can be used, which in the end will result in safety indices, strengthening the image of the Armed Forces and improving the organizational environment, where the best practices are part of the daily task. Security and defense, being complex to measure, become perceptible to the community, in the performance and performance ratios, but above all in the neatness of the actions of the members of the Public Force (National Police and Armed Forces) in their service relationship to others.

The decisions of support and strengthening of the institutions of the Armed Forces and National Police, implemented by the political level, must be harmonized with the new strategies that the military strategic level will structure to fight against the threats; nevertheless, it is of paramount importance that it be deployed transversally and vertically until the last of the soldiers, the vocation and ethics that make up the deposit of the intangibles; those that nourish and invigorate the structure. Always remembering that the commander, as well as giving orders, being responsible for the fulfillment and execution of them, is also co-responsible, that these are linked with the principles and institutional values.

Counteracting the focus of organized crime (drug trafficking and other crimes) within the Armed Forces is already the task of all, even more so of those who, with merit or without merit, have the baton of command, as a moral and formal ruler of the leadership of troops.

LT CMDR. Edwin Ortega Sevilla

Guayaquil, September 17, 2018